Democracy by Administrative Decree: Banning the Opposition, Welcoming Erdoğan

In the German state of Lower Saxony, the democratic process is undergoing a highly selective filtration. The ruling centre-left coalition has discovered a convenient method to preemptively eliminate political competition. By tightening the rules on constitutional loyalty, authorities have successfully barred four politicians from the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) from seeking local executive offices. Yet, the very same electoral guardians have found no issue with approving a party deeply entangled with the Turkish government's religious and political apparatus.

The mechanism for this democratic curation was established in April, when the regional parliament’s Social Democratic and Green majority altered the municipal election laws. The new framework lowered the threshold for initiating loyalty checks on candidates for mayoral and district administrator roles. If any administrative doubts arise, the municipal supervisory authority steps in, drawing on assessments from the domestic intelligence service. In a rather convenient administrative loop, both the supervisory authority for larger districts and the intelligence service itself answer directly to the regional Interior Ministry, currently headed by Social Democrat Daniela Behrens.

The practical application of this law is revealing. Electoral committees have disqualified Martin Sichert from the district administrator race in Friesland, Thorsten Moriße from the mayoral election in Wilhelmshaven, Justin Vogel in Herzberg am Harz, and Stephan Bothe in Lüneburg.

The justification provided by the authorities exposes a remarkably broad interpretation of disloyalty. In Sichert’s case, the district election management explicitly noted in writing that his mere membership in the regional AfD branch triggered the initial review, admitting no other evidence was initially present. Later, his work as a member of parliament and social media posts were cited against him. The Interior Ministry applied similar logic to Moriße, arguing that his role as a district chairman actively maintained the functioning of the party. Simply participating in the political opposition is now officially construed as a threat to the constitutional order.

While domestic opposition faces administrative eradication, foreign-aligned political ventures enjoy a remarkably smooth path to the ballot box. In the city of Salzgitter, the local election committee has approved the participation of DAVA for the upcoming city council vote on September 13. Founded in early 2024, DAVA functions as a political extension of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s sphere of influence. Its regional chairman, Ali İhsan Ünlü, previously served as a senior official for DITIB, a mosque association structurally subordinate to the Turkish government's religious authority, Diyanet. The party's former lead candidate, Fatih Zingal, spent years in leadership roles within the Union of International Democrats, widely recognised as an AKP lobbying organisation.

Despite fielding only three candidates in Salzgitter, DAVA has a clear path to securing a council seat, as short lists do not present a disadvantage under the regional electoral law. During the 2024 European elections, the party secured 1.7 percent of the vote in the city, significantly outperforming its national average of 0.4 percent. The juxtaposition paints a bleak picture of Germany's current political trajectory. As the established parties leverage state machinery to suppress domestic right-wing challengers, they simultaneously accommodate the creeping institutionalisation of imported political Islam. The ruling political class appears entirely comfortable with narrowing the democratic playing field, provided the resulting landscape aligns with their own ideological preferences.

Written by Sandy van Dongen sandy.vandongen@alpineweekly.com