Oct 23, 6:02 AM

Maduro is in Chains, But Venezuela’s Democracy Remains on Hold

Nine months after Washington whisked away Caracas' dictator, his loyalists remain in power with White House approval.

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Maduro is in Chains, But Venezuela’s Democracy Remains on Hold

For nearly two years, the streets of Caracas, Valencia, and Maracay remained quiet, heavy with the fatigue of a public accustomed to broken promises. On Thursday, however, thousands of Venezuelans gathered across the country once more. Their demand was remarkably modest by international standards: a date for an election.

The catalyst for this renewed public agitation is an unusual geopolitical arrangement. In January, a US military raid removed Nicolas Maduro, bringing him to American courtrooms alongside his wife, Cilia Flores, to face drug trafficking and torture charges to which they have pleaded not guilty. Yet, nine months later, the governing United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) remains firmly at the helm. Operating under interim President Delcy Rodriguez—Maduro’s former vice president—the regime continues its decades-long tenure, now with the explicit backing of the White House.

US President Donald Trump’s administration has maintained direct leverage over Venezuela’s oil resources while pressuring Rodriguez for incremental structural reforms. Both Washington and Rodriguez maintain that elections will eventually take place. Yet no calendar has been produced, leaving the country's political transition indefinitely suspended in an administrative fog.

This deliberate ambiguity has pushed the traditional opposition back into motion. From outside the country, where she has resided following months in hiding after the contested 2024 election, Nobel Peace Prize winner Maria Corina Machado and her Vente Venezuela movement organised Thursday's turnout. Machado is demanding a firm deadline: free presidential elections no later than July 2027. Her proxy, Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia, continues to claim victory in the 2024 contest based on opposition tally sheets, though state legal institutions predictably backed Maduro at the time.

The dynamics on the ground offered a stark contrast to previous years. The heavy-handed security apparatus that once violently suppressed dissent was largely absent. Instead of armed crackdowns, the regime opted for bureaucratic diversion. The ruling party summoned its own loyalists to march from the same central plaza in Caracas, framing their gathering as a event for Breast Cancer Awareness Month. Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello was duly broadcast on state television among the crowd, while opposition demonstrators quietly shifted their protest to a nearby location.

Meanwhile, US-backed negotiations continue between the Rodriguez administration and a selected faction of the opposition. These talks aim to rebuild the electoral council and the supreme court, though progress promises to be agonizingly slow. Crucially, Machado’s movement has been left off the guest list at these diplomatic tables, even as she insists she will not actively block their efforts.

Removing a head of state is the straightforward part of foreign intervention. Converting that power shift into a functional democratic state requires an entirely different order of commitment. For ordinary citizens navigating daily economic distress in Maracay or Maracaibo, Washington’s preference for managing Venezuelan petroleum while tolerating Maduro's former lieutenants presents a familiar reality. The dictator may be sitting in a foreign jail cell, but the political apparatus he built remains intact, leaving Venezuelans to wonder how long an interim regime can linger before it simply becomes permanent.

Written by Sandy van Dongen sandy.vandongen@alpineweekly.com